BRANDING POLITICS: A short trip down memory lane – how branding defined the most well-known protest movements

If politics have a design – and by now we’ve established that they very much do – then protest movements have been running full-scale branding campaigns long before Instagram story templates, Canva activism or coordinated profile-picture drops ever existed. The tools were different, slower, often analogue, but the logic behind them was strikingly similar. So, before we dive head-first into modern, hashtag-fuelled protest culture, it’s worth rewinding a little.

Think of this as a nostalgic slideshow – but instead of blurry holiday photos, it’s historical outrage with insanely strong visuals.

When we think of the most influential protest movements in history, what often comes to mind first isn’t a manifesto, a policy demand or even a speech. It’s an image. A moment frozen in time. Rosa Parks seated on a bus. A lone man standing in front of tanks. Rows of women dressed in white. A clenched fist raised against the sky. Scholars of social movements have long argued that visual symbolism plays a central role in mobilising collective identity and sustaining political momentum (Eyerman & Jamison, 1998). Images condense ideology into something immediately legible. They allow movements to travel – across borders, languages and generations – without needing translation.

These visuals were not accidental. They were strategic, curated and often carefully staged. Long before branding was a buzzword, protest movements understood the power of recognisability and repetition. To be politically effective, a movement needed to look like something.

The Civil Rights Movement in the United States offers one of the clearest examples of visual strategy as political communication. Protesters frequently dressed in formal attire – suits, pressed dresses, polished shoes. This was not simply a reflection of social norms at the time, it was a deliberate choice. Media scholar Martin A. Berger describes this as a “politics of respectability,” where visual presentation was used to counter racist stereotypes and assert moral legitimacy (Berger, 2011).

The resulting imagery was powerful precisely because of its contrast. Peaceful, well-dressed demonstrators facing police brutality, creating a visual narrative that required no explanation. The images communicated injustice instantly. Clothing became a political tool. Respectability became resistance.

What’s important here is not whether this strategy was flawless – it has been criticised (rightfully so) for reinforcing respectability politics – but that it demonstrates an early understanding of branding mechanics. The Civil Rights Movement crafted a coherent visual identity that aligned appearance with message, reinforcing its political goals through aesthetics alone.

Similarly, anti-war protests of the 1960s and 70s relied heavily on graphic symbols to communicate opposition. The peace sign, originally designed for the British nuclear disarmament movement, is perhaps one of the most successful political symbols of all time. Its simplicity, adaptability and ease of reproduction allowed it to spread rapidly across national and cultural boundaries. Design historian David Crowley describes it as an early example of effective protest graphic design – a logo before logos were a thing (Crowley, 2013).

What made the peace sign so powerful was not just its meaning, but its usability. Anyone could draw it. Anyone could wear it. Anyone could reproduce it on a sign, a badge or a wall. It functioned exactly like a strong brand asset: flexible, recognisable and emotionally charged.

Women’s suffrage movements also demonstrate the intentional use of visual consistency. Suffragettes adopted a specific colour palette (white, purple and green), each colour symbolising purity, dignity and hope. White dresses became a recurring visual motif, later revived by feminist politicians decades later as a deliberate historical callback. Once again, branding created continuity across time, linking past struggles to present ones through aesthetics.

What these movements had in common was consistency. A shared visual language allowed participants to recognise one another, communicate values instantly and feel part of something larger than themselves. Benedict Anderson famously described this sense of shared belonging as an “imagined community” – a collective identity formed through shared symbols and narratives rather than direct personal connection (Anderson, 1983).

Visual branding made these imagined communities visible.

Importantly, this consistency also helped movements survive moments of repression or fragmentation. When leadership structures were attacked or communication channels disrupted, symbols remained. The image outlived the moment. Protest branding functioned as memory.

This historical perspective complicates the idea that contemporary activism is uniquely aestheticised or overly concerned with appearance. Protest movements have always relied on visual strategy. The difference today is speed, scale and saturation – not intent.

So no, branded protest isn’t a Gen Z invention. We’ve just upgraded the tools.
And maybe – just maybe – the pressure to look good while being angry was always there.

Sources:
• Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities. Verso.
• Berger, M. A. (2011). Seeing Through Race: A Reinterpretation of Civil Rights Photography. University of California Press.
• Crowley, D. (2013). Graphic Design and Protest. Design Issues, 29(3).
• Eyerman, R., & Jamison, A. (1998). Music and Social Movements. Cambridge University Press.

BRANDING POLITICS: An introduction as to why everything is political and Donald Trump a brand

Lately it feels like whichever newspaper I read, social media platform I look at or comment section I open, there’s something on about politics. And don’t get me wrong, I’m not saying it’s a bad thing. More so, I would say that this shows how deeply political engagement is implemented in our generation and our interests. One could argue that this is due to the current state of the world (which, yikes, let’s be honest) and how us young people experience it in times of social media. And I would know, as I consider myself part of the young people experiencing the current state of the world through social media.

Of course, this lively discourse is something that I might witness due to the online bubble I’m in, or my personal interest in our planets somewhat-ish wellbeing. But one thing that is definitely noticeable, no matter the bubble you’re in, is the uprising of both subtle and in-your-face political opinions. How couldn’t you, in times of a Cheeto with a bad hair transplant ruling Americas oyster, the world’s most perfect woman making literally anything from scratch in a couture dress or Austrian politicians selling their country out on their trip to Ibiza. And while all of these seem really funny (in a way), when you look a little closer, they vividly represent how modern politics work. They feel more like a lifestyle, a social media statement, a content source, a meme, maybe even a clothing style. The way you display yourself is a choice. A choice, rooted in politics. Because let’s be real, you can almost always tell the political orientation of someone – just by looking at them.
And that sparks an important question: What do politics look like?

Because last time I checked, it’s about where you make your cross at vote-o-clock, not whether you buy the black or the white shirt at H&M. Right?
And it’s not like we don’t hear it all the time. “Don’t make this political”, “This is too political”, “Their death shouldn’t be politicised,” especially when someone from a marginalised group is violently killed. Yet such statements are impossible, because everything is political. It starts with the way you consume your news, and it ends, you guessed it, with whether you buy the black or the white shirt at H&M. Politics is all around us. Activist and journalist Brianna O’Reilly even defines it as a tool to understand and address problems, measure right and wrong, what we deem to be moral or immoral and how we think of everyday challenges and happenings both individually and collectively.

Going back to my question – What do politics look like? – I’m certain you can think of a few stereotypes, or giveaways rather, of different political directions. And I’m not just talking about how people dress or the age that they are. It’s also about different communication tactics, colours, trends or social medias certain groups choose to use. Or that the clothing stores you go to fund different political parties one way or another, or that the kind of clothes you buy makes you part of a visually identifiable group or that the lifestyle choices you make influence the political situations in other countries. That Avocado you bought had to come from somewhere, right? And the shirt you got had to be made somewhere – probably not Austria… right?  The price of the shirt you’re willing to pay, depends on the social-political situation somewhere else. Did it feel political when the choice was made to follow these stereotypes? Probably not. It doesn’t make them any less political though!

In short: There’s a certain design to politics, not just on the outside. Let’s take Donald Trump for example. He is using a certain colour (red), with a certain font, using certain words in his talks and only posting on certain social medias using certain hashtags. Him and his political party are branded in a very specific way, so that the people sharing his ideals can follow this branding and form a visual collective. This visual collective keeps the loop going, by consuming not just the brand on the outside, but also everything that comes with it. If you think about it, where’s the difference between a Trump Supporter and an Adidas fan? Other than their choice of brand to follow and the personal ideals they have, of course. Designing politics “the right way” is every inch as important as actually following up on these political beliefs.

This means, that graphic design as a tool of the visual language of protest is so powerful that it creates the ability to promote and pass on change-messages and allows it to work its way into our everyday lives creating a mass movement that can shake up political regimes (Yinks0067, n.d.). Not just from the outside, but the inside as well. At the end of the day, everything is political.
And that’s a good thing.

Sources:
• O’Reilly, B. (n.d.). Like it or not, everything is political. The Black Project.
• Yinks0067. (n.d.). The visual language of protest: How graphic design can fuel protest and change government. Medium.

Why I’m Hitting Pause

Design & Research | Master Thesis Log 07

I sat down tonight to write a very different blog post.

My plan was perfect. I was going to show you the charts from my latest interviews. I was going to explain the difference between “active” and “passive” users. I was going to act like I had everything figured out.

But if I am being completely honest with you? I don’t.
Right now, I am stuck.

They tell you that research is a straight line. You have a question, you find data, and you get an answer. But nobody tells you about the “Fog.” The Fog is where I am right now. It is that messy, confusing middle part where you have too much information and no idea where to put it.

Drowning in Data Over the past few weeks, I have collected so much. I have hours of conversations with photographers. I have folders full of notes about AI, automation, and the history of the camera.

But instead of making things clearer, the data has made everything harder.
Should I focus on the art itself?
Should I focus on the psychology of the photographer?
Should I focus on the interface design of the camera?

Every time I look at my notes, I see a million different paths I could take. It feels like standing in the middle of a busy intersection with traffic coming from every direction. I am paralyzed by the possibilities.

Losing the Joy Somewhere along the way, I think I lost the fun of this project.

When I started, I was excited. I loved the question: “Does automation kill the artist?” It felt important. But lately, the pressure to produce “results” has taken over. I found myself rushing through the research just to get to the finish line. I stopped listening to what the data was telling me because I was too busy trying to force a solution.

I was trying to design the final product before I even understood the problem.

The Power of the Pause So, this blog post is my stop sign.

I am giving myself permission to stop running. I realized that if I keep sprinting in the dark, I am just going to hit a wall. I need to stop frantically searching for the “right” direction and just let the information sink in.

I need to go back and listen to those interviews again—not to extract quotes for a presentation, but to actually hear the emotions in their voices. I need to look at the photos again. I need to remember why I cared about this topic in the first place.

I don’t know exactly what my next step is. I don’t know if the final result will be a new camera mode, a manifesto, or a physical prototype. And to be honest, that uncertainty is really scary. It feels like I am failing.

But maybe feeling lost is just proof that I am actually exploring something new. If I knew the answer already, it wouldn’t be research, right?

For now, I am going to turn off my “analyst brain” and just breathe. The answers will come, but only if I give them space to arrive.

    The Elements of Hostile Design

    Hostile design is design meant to prevent various kinds of usage/interaction with objects, usually by vulnerable groups of people (Rosenberger, 2023). It is perhaps most commonly discussed about designs that prevent the usage of benches etc by the homeless. Robert Rosenberger (2023) presents a classification scheme which talks about the different types of Hostile Design one might come across. 

    1. Physical Imposition

    When a design physically prevents certain interactions or engagements with an object. A common example in relation to Hostile Design against homelessness is creating barriers on benches to prevent anyone from laying down on the bench (Rosenberger, 2023), it can be “seats” where one lean against the seat rather than fully sit down, and so on. 

    1. Sensory Interference

    Sensory interference includes the use of generating sensory stimuli that is annoying or unpleasant, for example through various usage of light and/or sound. Rosenberger (2023) comes with examples such as playing annoying sounds or loud music in parks and other public spaces have been used to drive away the unhoused. He also writes about the usage of unflattering lights, in the context of driving young people away from underpasses. However, I can also imagine lighting being used to create uncomfortable public spaces to take shelter at. 

    1. Concealment

    This is when a certain usage or amenity is available in the public space, just that it is concealed in such a way one must know where it is or how to use it. Rosenberger (2023) brings up the example with public toilets being placed in unusual places and/or having no signage to guide the public to its location. 

    1. Confederacy

    This includes the control of a public space, usually through the usage of security guards, police officers, cameras, or others placed to control a public space. For example some public spaces might have a receptionist and a sign in sheet in order to use the space (Rosenberger, 2023), or public rest rooms may have on-site staff controlling the payment gates to enter and exit the rest rooms. Rosenberger (2023) reflects on how the unhoused might not appreciate the monitoring where one needs to sign themselves into the public space, and how camera monitoring can trigger a fear of attracting attention to the authorities.

    1. Self-coercion

    Self-coercion is when design makes the public themselves avoid certain behaviour in a public space or refrain from a certain usage of an object. The most straightforward example is signage targeted at certain groups, for example signs that says “No Camping” targets the unhoused to try and prevent them from taking shelter in the area of said sign. Rosenberger (2023) also gives the examples of spikes on surfaces where one perhaps could lie, which is not only a physical imposition, but also an example of self-coercion. It shows the unhoused that they are not welcomed here, which could perhaps lead them away from the area.

    1. Absence

    Hostile design in the form of absence is that instead of simply limiting usage in the other ways mentioned, one removes the object altogether. This impacts the unhoused in the ways of leaving no place to rest once benches are fully removed, or lack of public restrooms in public areas (Rosenberger, 2023).

    How these hostile designs could be turned to the more positive is something that could be researched further in the next post.

     
    Source

    Rosenberger, R. (2023). A classification scheme for hostile design. Philosophy of the City Journal, 1(1), 49-70. https://doi.org/10.21827/potcj.1.1.40323