BRANDING POLITICS: I’m liking this! About political movements in the 21st century and the role of social media in modern protest

If protest movements were once built in meeting rooms, universities and city squares, today they are built in comment sections, reddit forums and for-you-pages. The architecture of political participation has shifted dramatically – not away from collective action, but into platforms designed primarily for entertainment, advertising and endless scrolling. Likes, shares, reposts and saves have become political tools, and whether we like it or not, social media has fundamentally reshaped how movements grow, who participates, and what “political engagement” even means.

Social media platforms enable mobilisation and global visibility on a scale that would have been unimaginable to earlier protest movements. A single video, image or hashtag can circulate across continents in minutes. Research on digital activism highlights how platforms lower participation thresholds, allowing individuals to engage politically without formal membership, organisational structures or physical presence (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). This shift has profoundly altered who gets to participate in political discourse.

Movements like Black Lives Matter illustrate this transformation clearly. Initially propelled by user-generated content – videos, eyewitness accounts, personal testimonies – BLM bypassed traditional media gatekeepers entirely. Social media did not just document protest, it produced it. Visibility became a catalyst. Outrage became connective tissue.

But this transformation comes at a cost. What “cost“, you might ask?

Online political engagement is often criticised as shallow or performative. The term “slacktivism” captures the fear that low-effort actions – liking a post, sharing a story, changing a profile picture – replace sustained political involvement (Morozov, 2011). Clicking “like” feels political, but its tangible impact remains contested. Does engagement translate into change, or does it simply generate metrics?

This critique is not unfounded. But it is incomplete.

What it often ignores is how political identity itself is formed today. Political participation is no longer confined to voting, protesting or party membership. It is deeply entangled with self-presentation. According to media scholar Zizi Papacharissi, online political engagement operates through affect – emotion, visibility and personal expression – rather than through formal political action alone (Papacharissi, 2015). In other words, sharing is not just communication, it is meaning-making.

Your feed becomes a political space. Your reposts signal alignment. Your follows imply morals and values. Your silence is read as a statement. Political movements now exist not only as collective struggles but as curated presences within individual timelines. Activism becomes part of personal branding – whether intentionally or not. There’s always that one influencer unwilling to comment on relevant political matters for the sake of their following, and on the other side there will be another influencer ditching their content niche and giving protest a platform, seemingly selfless, but alas also for the sake of their following.

This is where social media fundamentally reshapes protest logic. Movements must now be algorithmically legible. They must perform well within systems designed to reward speed, emotional intensity and visual clarity. Anger spreads faster than nuance. Images outperform text. Moral clarity outperforms ambiguity.

As a result, political movements increasingly adapt their messaging to platform logics. Protest becomes content. Messaging becomes modular. Visual identity becomes essential not just for recognition, but for survival.

Yet social media is not a neutral stage. It actively shapes what kinds of politics are visible, rewarded or suppressed. Algorithms prioritise engagement over accuracy, virality over complexity. Protest movements do not just fight institutions anymore – they fight platforms. They fight shadow bans, content moderation, demonetisation and algorithmic invisibility.

And sometimes, they win.

Digital platforms have allowed marginalised voices to bypass traditional power structures, challenge dominant narratives and build global solidarities. But they have also fragmented movements, encouraged internal policing and intensified performative pressure. To be political online is to be constantly visible – and constantly judged.

Modern protest exists in this contradiction. It is both empowered and constrained by the platforms it depends on. Participation is easier than ever, but sustaining momentum is harder. Engagement is measurable, but impact is not.

Social media did not make politics superficial. It made visibility unavoidable.

Sources:
• Bennett, W. L., & Segerberg, A. (2012). The Logic of Connective Action. Information, Communication & Society.
• Morozov, E. (2011). The Net Delusion. PublicAffairs.
• Papacharissi, Z. (2015). Affective Publics. Oxford University Press.

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